By Joe Salmons
Spoken language is topic to consistent swap and the effect of alternative audio system. This publication takes in a survey of literature to be had regarding accessory attrition and merging, and is going directly to exhibit that accessory shift occurs the world over and in all social settings, eventually taking in an research of prehistoric ecu proto-language with the focal point on a proposed shared Celtic-Germanic accessory approach.
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I. So hat vor allem Kuniholm (1979) deutlich herausarbeiten konnen, dass der Kalte Krieg, anders als oft behauptet, nicht mit der Auseinandersetzung um europaische, sondern um nahostliche Gebiete begann. 2. In gewisser Weise wurde ich hier Nolte allerdings vorsichtig widersprechen, denn Elemente eines Kalten Krieges im Sinne der weitestgehenden Definition lassen sich z.
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For Ijo, a West African language, Williamson (1978) explicitly discounts external factors in the development of pitch accent, on the grounds that none of its current neighbors is known to have a pitch-accent system. On the other hand, she does attribute the development of downstep in Eastern Ijo directly to that dialect group’s close contact with Igbo (1978:118). 36 Comparative Data usually adstrate contact in bilingual areas along language boundaries. In many less extreme contact situations such as can be posited for Proto-Germanic—that is, situations that fall far short of causing pidginization—one still finds restructuring of accentual systems.
Scandinavian Language Contact The contact settings in the modern Scandinavian area most often involve pitch systems becoming stress-accent systems in contact, 12 Going far beyond contact-induced loss of tone, I should note a pair of rare noncontact examples of tonal loss. Polomé, personal communication). For Ijo, a West African language, Williamson (1978) explicitly discounts external factors in the development of pitch accent, on the grounds that none of its current neighbors is known to have a pitch-accent system.
The simplest explanation for this degree of phonological interference is almost certainly sociolinguistic. Most Texas Swedes ceased speaking Swedish as their main language in the 1940’s or earlier (cf. Ureland 1971b:34). , Gilbert 1964). Ureland also describes three instances of rule addition. One is the addition of an American /r/, beside the several realizations of /r/ possible in regional variants of Swedish. The American English variant appears to coexist with one or another Swedish form in the speech of some Texas Swedes, the American variant being most common in loanwords.